PRINCIPLES  OF  THE  DEMOCRATIC  PARTY. 


S  I*  E  E  O  H 


OF 


General  JOHN  A.  LOGAN 

OF  ILLINOIS, 

Delivered  in  the  House  of  Representatives, 

JXJLY  1C,  1868. 


•) 


PUBLISHED  BY  THE  UNION  REPUBLICAN  CONGRESSIONAL  COMMITTEE,  WASHINGTON,  D.  C. 


Mr.  LOGAN.  Mr.  Chairman,  the  Demo¬ 
cratic  platform  is  a  “whited  sepulchre,  full  of 
dead  men’s  hones.”  It  is  a  monument  which 
is  intended  to  hide  decay  and  conceal  corrup¬ 
tion  .  Like  many  other  monuments,  it  attracts 
attention  by  its  vast  proportions,  and  excites 
disgust  by  the  falsity  of  its  inscriptions. 
The  casual  observer,  knowing  nothing  of  the 
previous  life  of  the  deceased,  who  reads  this 
eulogy  upon  the  tomb,  might  imagine  that  all 
the  virtues,  the  intellect,  and  the  genius  of 
the  age  were  buried  there.  Hut  to  him  who 
knows  that  the  life  had  been  a  living  lie,  an 
incessant  pursuit  of  base  ends,  the  stone  is  a 
mockery  and  the  panegyric  a  fable. 

It  is  my  purpose  to  show,  sir,  that^iis 
Democratic  platform  is  mockery  of  the  pafc, 
and  that  its  promises  for  the  future  are  hollow, 
evasive,  and  fabulous ;  that  it  disregards  the 
sanctities  of  truth,  and  deals  only  ir^the  lan¬ 
guage  of  the  juggler.  It  is  like  the  words  of 
the  weird  witches,  who  wrought  .a  noble 
nature  to  crime  and  ruin,  and  then,  in  the 
hour  of  dire  extremity — 

“  Kept  the  word  of  promise  to  the  ear, 

And  broke  it  to  the  hope.” 

What  are  the  pledges  of  this  platform, 
made  by  a  party  which  now  asks  place  and 
power  for  themselves,  and  retirement  and 
obscurity  for  us  ?  They  pledge  peace  to  the 
country.  Well,  sir,  the  country  should  have 
peace.  They  pledge  a  uniform  aud  valuable 
currency  to  the  country.  Sir,  the  country 
desires  such  a  currency.  They  pledge  econ¬ 
omy  in  the  administration  of  the  Government. 


Judicious  economy  is  among  the  first  maxims 
of  government.  They  pledge  payment  of  the 
public  debt  and  reduction  of  taxation.  I 
agree  that  the  public  credit  must  be  preserved 
at  all  hazards,  and  that  taxation  should  be 
reduced  by  all  means.  They  pledge  reform  of 
all  abuses.  Sir,  when  once  an  abuse  is  dis¬ 
covered,  no  man  will  deny  that  it  should  be 
at  once  reformed.  They  pledge  the  observ¬ 
ance  of  the  laws,  the  guarantees  of  the  Con¬ 
stitution,  the  rights  of  the  people,  and  the 
promotion  of  the  public  weal.  Nothing  more 
could  be  asked  of  a  party  than  that  it  should 
do  everything  which  is  good,  and  abstain 
from  all  that  is  bad.  Happy  indeed,  sir,  is 
that  country  whose  rulers  are  all  wise,  all 
virtuous,  all  patriots,  and  all  without  ambi¬ 
tion  except  to  excel  in  worth  and  wisdom. 

When  such  a  party  is  found,  Mr.  Chairman, 
I  shall  support  it,  no  matter  by  what  name  it 
may  be  called ;  but  until  it  is  found — and  I 
may  be  permitted  to  remark  that  it  never  yet 
has  been  found  in  history — I  shall  support 
that  party  which  does  the  best  it  can  for  tin. 
country  with  what  materials  it  has,  and 
makes  up  in  good  deeds  what  it  may  lack  in 
polished  speech. 

Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  as  I  am  an  anxious 
inquirer  after  truth,  and  as  I  agree  that  the 
promises  of  this  platform  are  many  and  seem¬ 
ingly  fair,  and  likely  to  catch  the  eye  and  the 
ear  of  some  who  arc  unsuspecting,  I  am  de¬ 
sirous  of  showing  the  basis  upon  which  they 
reti,  in  order  that  I  may  determine  first  how 
t'ajr,  I  may  trust  te  their  performance.  It  is  an 


2 


inquiry  that  concerns  not  only  me,  but  all  of 
us;  but  more  particularly  does  it  concern 
those  who  are  to  come  after  us — the  young 
men  of  this  nation  who  are  now  about  to 
cast  their  first  vote,  and  who  will  ultimately 
occupy  the  places  we  now  hold,  and  be 
affected  for  good  or  for  ill  by  the  policy  we 
may  now  adopt.  No  man  has  a  right  to 
treat  this  question  lightly,  and  when  we  see  a 
convention  held  by  an  adverse  party,  it  is  our 
duty  to  criticise  fairly  but  rigidly  its  acts, 
and  to  ask  of  what  personnel  it  is  composed. 

If  we  find  that  its  proclamations  of  princi¬ 
ples  are  only  a  bait  for  votes ;  if  we  find  that 
its  resolutions  are  inconsistent,  the  one  with 
the  other,  and  all  contradictory  of  the  resolu¬ 
tions  of  previous  years;  if  we  find  that, 
instead  of  being  a  party  promoting  the  pros¬ 
perity  of  the  country,  it  is  the  party  who 
attempted  the  life  of  the  country;  if  we  find 
that  it  is  a  party  whose  policy  was  suicidal  in 
peace  and  fratricidal  in  war  ;  if  we  find  that 
it  is  a  party  which  has  adhered  to  no  principle 
in  times  past  except  the  principle  of  perpetuity; 
if  we  find  that  the  men  who  now  lift  their 
voices  as  its  leaders  are  unworthy  men  who 
bared  their  blades  in  rebellion;  if  we  find 
there  a  gathering  of  all  who  are  wildly  am¬ 
bitious,  thoroughly  unscrupulous,  and  dan¬ 
gerously  discontented,  then  we  may  safely  say 
their  pledges  are  all  false,  and  we  may  warn 
not  only  the  soldiers  and  sailors,  but  all  good 
men,  and  particularly  all  young  men,  to  avoid 
their  snares  and  flee  from  their  delusions. 

It  requires  an  unusual  condition  of  public 
affairs  to  produce  such  an  unusual  platform, 
and  we  require  to  know  what  that  condition 
is  before  we  can  judge  of  it.  Let  us  see  what 
is  the  condition,  and  what  produced  it.  A 
very  few  years  ago  the  Democratic  party  were 
in  power.  They  had  been  in  power  for  many, 
many  years  before  Whatever  of  good  there 
was  in  their  policy,  they  had  had  time  to 
develop  it.  Whatever  of  evil  there  was,  they 
had  had  opportunity  to  correct  it.  They  did 
neither  the  one  thing  nor  the  other.  There 
were  no  hostile  armies  then.  The  people 
imagined  that  there  was  peace.  A  few  only 
believed  that  there  could  be  war.  But  war  was 
imminent.  Under  the  surface  of  peace  that 
party  was  preparing  for  war.  In  the  council 
chambers  of  the  nation  they  howled  for  war. 
In  the  different  Departments  of  the  Government 
where  they  were  trusted  and  uncontrolled  they 
were  preparing  for  war.  In  the  minds  of  the 
young  and  unsuspecting  they  sowed  the  seeds 
of  war.  In  their  newspapers  they  threatened 


war.  In  the  lecture-room,  in  the  college,  from 
the  pulpit  and  the  rostrum  they  invoked  war; 
and  finally,  when  they  judged  the  time  had 
come  when  the  nation  was  most  helpless  and 
the  weapons  of  defence  most  useless,  they  made 
war — and  war  of  what  kind?  Actual  war, 
treasonable  war — war  against  those  who  had 
loved  and  fostered  them — upon  co-dwellers 
under  the  same  roof  and  brothers  by  birth 
and  blood.  How  did  war  find  us?  It  found 
us  as  the  ship  is  found  when  pirates  scuttle 
her — open  to  the  mercy  of  the  waves,  and 
ready  to  be  ingulfed. 

"We  had  made  no  preparation  for  war.  The 
military  and  naval  establishments  were  on  a 
peace  footing,  and  even  the  skeleton  had  been 
disjointed.  Treason  was  in  the  high  places, 
and  consternation  pervaded  everywhere  else. 
That  which  might  have  been  efficient  in  a 
pinch  had  been  weakened  by  treachery  oi 
paralyzed  by  surprise.  We  had  few  troops, 
few  guns,  few  forts,  few  sail,  and  few  com¬ 
manders.  Scarcely  a  man  in  the  North  out  of 
the  regular  service  knew  the  first  movements 
in  the  school  of  the  soldier.  The  knowledge 
of  arms  had  not  been  sought,  and  material 
and  munition  of  war  had  sparsely  been  pro¬ 
vided.  We  had  no  money  to  carry  on  a  war. 
We  had  no  policy  declared  to  carry  us  through 
a  war.  But  war,  bloody,  dreadful,  disrupt¬ 
ing,  came  upon  us,  and  we  had  to  meet  it  as 
best  we  could.  The  first  thing  was  to  get 
money.  We  issued  the  greenbacks.  Whether 
that  was  the  wisest  thing  to  be  done  is  not 
the  question.  At  that  time  it  seemed  to  be 
the  only  thing  we  could  do,  and  therefore  we 
did  it. 

But  greenbacks  were  not  sufficient.  We 
issued  the  bonds  of  various  kinds  because  we 
needed  more  money,  and  we  had  to  offer  secu¬ 
rity  of  some  kind  for  it,  and  that  seemed  to 
be  at  that  time  the  best  that  could  be  offered. 
Whether  it  was  so  in  fact  or  not  is  not  now 
the  question.  They  were  issued,  and  are  not 
3ret  redeemed.  Spite  of  all  this  we  got  heavily 
in  debt.  The  war  was  a  gigantic  one.  Armies 
were  raised  whose  numbers  astounded  the 
world.  Battles  were  fought  whose  slaughter 
saddened  the  world.  Destruction  of  property 
followed  whose  amount  might  bankrupt  a 
nation.  But  we  were  fighting  for  the  life  and 
liberties  of  this  people,  and  to  solve  the  prob¬ 
lem  of  man’s  capability  for  self-government; 
we  could  not  stop.  We  were  compelled  to  go 
on  ;  and  debt  followed  us  as  fast  and  as  far 
as  we  went — heavy,  crushing,  appalling  debt. 
Laws  were  defied,  and  we  compelled  their 


3  £-7. 


obedience.  When  the  civil  power  was  too 
weak  we  took  the  strong  arm  with  the  sword. 
States  were  insurgent,  and  the  people  threw 
off  their  allegiance.  We  took  the  Govern¬ 
ment  from  those  who  cast  it  off,  and  we  gave 
it  to  those  who  fought  to  maintain  it.  Our 
debts  were  falling  due,  and  we  taxed  the 
people  to  pay  them.  The  taxes  were  heavy; 
but  the  debts  were  heavy,  and  the  army 
expenses  were  enormous. 

In  so  far  as  we  could  we  struggled  to  keep 
down  our  debt  and  to  keep  up  our  credit. 
What  else?  We  found  slavery  had  been  a 
cause  of  war;  but  we  found  also  that  war 
abolished  slavery.  What  next?  We  found 
those  who  had  been  slaves  were  true;  and 
those  who  should  have  been  true  were  false. 
W e  gave  the  slave  a  musket  because  we  found 
he  was  a  man  ;  and  we  gave  him  a  ballot  that 
that  he  might  be  a  citizen.  And  so,  sir,  under 
these  disabilities  and  against  all  these  disad¬ 
vantages  we  fought  out  that  fight.  We  sub¬ 
dued  the  rebellion — we  ended  the  war.  And 
then,  Mr.  Chairman,  what  was  the  condition 
of  affairs?  We  found  the  South  exhausted, 
impoverished,  and  starved.  We  found  her 
white  male  population  fearfully  thinned  by 
battle;  her  black  laboring  population  freed, 
but  without  opportunity  to  labor,  and  no 
resources  for  a  livelihood. 

Everything  was  dark,  gloomy,  and  dismal. 
There  was  no  money,  no  commerce,  no  traffic 
there.  The  races  were  embittered  against  each 
other,  the  whites  threatened  to  exterminate  the 
blacks.  We  gave  rations  to  the  whites,  and 
the  Freedmen’s  Bureau  as  protection  to  the 
blacks.  We  afforded  opportunities  for  employ¬ 
ment  ;  and  we  regulated  the  relations  of  the 
employer  and  the  laborer.  We  protected  the 
one  and  we  eucouraged  the  other.  And  when 
we  could  not  keep  the  peace  by  the  civil  arm  we 
resorted  to  the  military,  because  we  have  had 
enough  of  war,  and  we  determined  that  the 
peace  should  be  kept.  What  next  ?  We  found 
that  there  were  no  governments  in  the  rebel 
States  which  we  could  recognize ;  and  we  pro¬ 
vided  plain  and  merciful  means  by  which  new 
governments  could  be  established. 

This  was  the  condition  of  the  South.  How 
was  it  in  the  North?  We  were  oppressed  with 
our  debt ;  we  were  borne  down  with  our  taxes ; 
we  were  perplexed  how  to  pay  the  first,  and 
how  to  reduce  the  latter.  But  our  hearts  were  ( 
all  glad  notwithstanding,  because  we  had 
saved  our  country.  We  mourned  for  those  we 
nad  lost,  but  we  rejoiced  for  those  who  were 
lo  come,  for  we  had  solved  the  problem  of 


liberty  and  the  destiny  of  our  people.  We 
set  ourselves  immediately  to  repair  the  ravages 
of  war.  At  the  close  of  the  war,  by  the 
official,  report  of  the  Secretory  of  the  Treasury, 
dated  December  3,  I860,  our  indebtedness  on 
the  31st  day  of  August,  1865,  was  $2,846,021,- 
742  04  ;  on  the  1st  day  of  June,  1868,  by  the 
report  of  the  same  official,  our  indebtedness 
was  $2,510,245,886  74,  being  a  reduction  of 
the  national  debt  since  August  31,  1865,  to 
June  1,  1868,  of  $335,715,855  30,  showing  a 
reduction  of  our  national  debt  of  one  hundred 
millions  per  annum.  Under  a  Republican 
Congress  could  we  have  had  an  Executive  and 
Cabinet  in  harmony  with  Congress  so  that 
frauds  and  robberies  of  the  revenues  could 
have  been  stopped,  in  my  judgment  the  whole 
country  would  be  at  peace,  and  our  debt  re¬ 
duced  at  least  $500, 000, 000 .  We  now  propose 
to  reduce  the  army  and  navy  as  rapidly  as  can 
be  done  with  safety  to  the  country,  and  all 
other  expenses  of  the  Government.  We  have 
also,  as  fast  as  State  after  State  organizes  its 
government,  abolished  military  authority  and 
subordinated  it  to  the  civil,  and  abolished  the 
Freedmen’s  Bureau,  to  take  effect  the  1st  of 
next  January. 

This,  Mr.  Chairman,  is  a  brief  statement  of 
the  condition  of  our  country  since  I860.  I 
have  been  brief  in  stating,  because  I  did  not 
wish  to  tell  an  oft-told  tale.  I  have  only 
sketched  those  events  which  have  given  rise  to 
the  pledges  and  complaints  of  the  Democratic 
platform.  Now,  sir,  when  a  nation  finds  itself 
thus  suddenly  engaged  in  an  unforeseen  war, 
and  thus  unexpectedly  is  called  upon  for  all 
its  resources,  and  emerges  from  the  struggle 
victorious  but  fatigued,  strong  but  wearied, 
it  is  certainly  entitled  to  some  forbearance, 
and  its  supporters  should  meet  with  some 
encouragement  and  praise.  This  remark  brings 
me  to  my  first  allegation  against  this  platform. 
I  allege  against  it  that  it  makes  a  spacious  and 
a  false  complaint  against  us  for  doing  the  only 
thing  which  it  was  in  our  power  to  do,  and  the 
only  thing  which  any  other  party,  Republican 
or  Democratic,  could  have  done,  unless  they 
made  an  ignominious  peace  with  the  rebels  ! 
No  other  set  of  men,  be  their  politics  what 
they  might,  could  have  done  aught  other  than 
we  did  do,  if  they  were  patriots  and  fought  the 
battle  of  the  country  !  I  allege  against  it,  also^ 
that  the  very  men  who  now  make  this  com¬ 
plaint  were  either  the  identical  men,  or  else 
the  partisan  friends  and  adherents  of  the.  iden¬ 
tical  men  who  brought  on  this  war,  who  fought 
the  flag,  who  caused  the 


4 


the  immediate  occasion  of  all  our  sorrow  and 
of  all  our  burdens  ! 

It  is  not  true,  then,  that  the  Democratic 
party  will  give  peace  to  the  country.  They 
have  been  the  party  of  war,  and  by  the  written 
declarations  of  their  candidate  for  Vice  Presi¬ 
dent  they  propose  more  war  unless  they  can 
undo  all  the  victory  we  have  achieved,  and  re¬ 
new  rebellion  where  we  have  quieted  it.  I  read, 
Mr.  Chairman,  a  letter  written  by  Maj.  Gen. 
F.  P.  Clair  to  Col.  Broadhead,  of  St.  Louis : 

Washington,  June  30, 1SGS. 

Dear  Colonei. — In  reply  to  your  inquiries  I  beg 
leave  to  say  that  I  leave  to  you  to  determine,  on  con¬ 
sultation  with  my  friends  from  Missouri,  whether 
my  name  shall  be  presented  to  tho  Democratic  con¬ 
vention,  and  to  submit  the  following  as  what  I  con¬ 
sider  the  real  and  only  issue  in  this  contest : 

The  reconstruction  policy  of  the  Radicals  will  be 
complete  before  the  next  election ;  the  States  so  long 
excluded  will  have  been  admitted,  negro  suffrage 
established,  and  the  carpet-baggers  installed  in  their 
seats  in  both  branches  of  Congress.  There  is  no 
ossibility  of  changing  the  political  character  of  the 
enate,  even  if  the  Democrats  should  elect  their 
President  and  a  majority  of  the  popular  branch  of 
Congress.  We  cannot,  therefore,  undo  the  Radical 
lan  of  reconstruction  by  congressional  action ;  the 
enate  will  continue  a  bar  to" its  repeal.  Must  we 
submit  to  it?  How  can  it  be  overthrown!  It  can 
only  be  overthrown  by  the  authority  of  the  Execu¬ 
tive,  who  is  sworn  to  maintain  the  Constitution,  and 
who  will  fail  to  do  his  duty  if  he  allows  the  Consti¬ 
tution  to  perish  under  a  series  of  congressional  enact¬ 
ments  which  are  in  palpable  violation  of  its  funda¬ 
mental  principles. 

If  fhe  President  elected  by  the  Democracy  enforces 
or  permits  others  to  enforce  these  reconstruction 
acts,  the  Radicals,  by  the  accession  of  twenty  spuri¬ 
ous  Senators  and  fifty  Representatives,  will  control 
both  branches  of  Congress,  and  his  Administration 
will  be  as  powerless  as  the  present  one  of  Mr.  Johnson. 

There  is  but  one  way  to  restore  the  Government 
and  the  Constitution,  and  that  is  for  the  President¬ 
elect  to  declare  these  acts  null  and  void,  compel  the 
army  to  undo  its  usurpations  at  the  South,  disperse 
the  carpet-bag  State  governments,  allow  the  white 
people  to  re-organize  their  own  governments,  and 
elect  Senators  and  Representatives.  The  House  of 
Representatives  will  contain  a  majority  of  Democrats 
from  the  North,  and  they  will  admit  the  Represent¬ 
atives  elected  by  the  white  people  of  the  South,  and 
with  the  co-operation  of  the  President  it  will  not  be 
difficult  to  compel  the  Senate  to  submit  once  more 
to  the  obligations  of  the  Constitution.  It  will  not  be 
able  to  withstand  the  public  judgment,  if  distinctly 
invoked  and  clearly  expressed  on  this  fundamental 
issue,  and  it  is  the  sure  way  to  avoid  all  future  strife 
to  put  the  issue  plainly  to  the  country. 

I  repeat  that  this  is  the  real  and  only  question 
which  we  should  allow  to  control  us :  Shall  we  sub¬ 
mit  to  the  usurpations  by  which  the  Government  has 
been  overthrown,  or  shall  we  exert  ourselves  for  its 
full  and  complete  restoration  ?  It  is  idle  to  talk  of 
bonds,  greenbacks,  gold,  the  public  faith,  and  tho 
public  credit.  What  can  a  Democratic  President  do 
in  regard  to  any  of  these,  with  a  Congress  in  both 
branches  controlled  by  the  carpet-baggers  and  their 
allies  ?  He  will  be  powerless  to  stop  the  supplies  by 
which  idle  negroes  are  organized  into  political  clubs 
— by  which  an  army  is  maintained  to  protect  these 
vagabonds  in  their  outrages  upon  the  ballot.  These, 
and  things  like  these,  eat  up  the  revenue  and 
resources  of  the  Government  and  destroy  its  credit — 
make  the  difference  between  gold  and  greenbacks. 
We  must  restore  the  Constitution  before  we  can  re¬ 
store  the  finances,  and  to  do  this  we  must  have  a 
President  who  will  execute  the  will  of  the  people  by 
trampling  into  dust  tho  usurpation  of  Congress, 
known  as  the  reconstruction  acts.  I  wish  to  stand 
before  the  convention  upon  this  issue,  but  it  is  one 
which  embraces  everything  else  that  is  of  value  in 
its  large  and  comprehensive  results.  It  is  the  one 
thing  that  includes  all  that  is  worth  a  contest,  and 
without  it  there  is  nothing  that  gives  dignity,  honor, 
or  valuo  to  the  struggle. 

Your  friend,  FRANK  P.  BLAIR. 
Colonel  James  O.  Broai/head. 


Is  this  the  language  of  peace?  Is  this  the 
pledge  of  security  to  the  county  ?  Is  this  the 
return  to  the  settled  pursuits  of  civil  life  and 
the  calm  routine  of  trade,  which  shall  reassure 
our  people  and  restore  our  prosperity  ?  Docs 
it  not  rather  suggest  the  clarion-stump  and  the 
clash  of  arms — the  neigh  of  steed  and  the 
shriek  of  death  ?  Are  our  taxes  to  be  lessened 
under  these  threats  ?  Will  our  credit  be  made 
better  by  these  means  ?  Gentlemen  shall  not 
tell  me  that  this  is  not  an  utterance  of  the 
party  nor  a  binding  declaration.  The  letter 
was  written  before  the  convention  met,  in  view 
of  its  meeting,  and  in  order  to  bring  the  writer 
and  his  doctrines  before  that  convention  as  a 
candidate.  Both  aims  were  attained.  The 
letter  was  published — the  writer  was  nomi¬ 
nated.  The  doctrines  are  his  and  his  party’s, 
and  are  embodied  in  the  platform  by  the  decla¬ 
ration  that  ‘ £  we  regard  the  reconstruction  acts 
(so  called)  as  usurpations,  and  unconstitu¬ 
tional,  revolutionary,  and  void.”  It  seems, 
then,  from  this  that  all  we  have  done  is  to 
be  undone.  No  matter  that  the  voice  of  the 
country  in  election  after  election,  year  after 
year,  has  sanctioned  it  and  said  it  was  well 
done,  the  Democratic  party  says  it  must  be 
undone,  or  that  the  swords  shall  be  unsheathed 
and  desolation  sweep  over  the  land. 

Where,  now,  are  the  pledges  of  specie  pay¬ 
ment,  of  redeemed  bonds,  of  equal  currency, 
of  wise  legislation,  of  amicable  feeling,  of  re¬ 
stored  confidence,  of  judicious  economy,  and 
reduced  taxation  ?  Gone  !  gone  !  The  loud 
note  of  insurrection  has  dispelled  them  all,  and 
the  possibility  of  our  national  Parliament  being 
dissolved  by  the  sword,  as  in  Cromwell’s  day, 
ha3  put  all  lingering  hope  to  flight.  We  are 
promised  a  uniform  and  valuable  currency — 
one  currency — which  is  to  be  sufficient  “for 
the  Government  and  the  people,  the  laborer 
and  the  office  holder,  the  pensioner  and  the 
soldier,  the  producer  and  the  bondholder.” 
We  are  promised  “payment of  thepubliedebt 
as  rapidly  as  practicable.”  We  are  notified 
of  “equal  taxation  of  every  species  of  prop¬ 
erty, /including  bonds  and  other  securities.” 
We  are  to  expect  “economy  in  the  adminis¬ 
tration  of  the  Government,”  and  the  “aboli¬ 
tion  of  the  Freedmen’s  Bureau.”  How  isTill 
this  to  be  brought  about?  For  fear  I  may  do 
injustice  to  the  platform,  I  wish  to  quote  some 
extracts  from  the  World  newspaper  of  July  8, 
the  day  after  the  platform  was  made.  I  may 
add  that  the  World  is  the  authoritative  expo¬ 
nent  of  tho  views  of  the  distinguished  gentle¬ 
man,  I-Ioratio  Seymour,  who  has  been  nomi¬ 
nated  for  President  by  that  party,  and  there¬ 
fore  this  interpretation  is  his  interpretation  : 

“The  declarations  relating  to  the  finances  are 
scattered  through  different  sections  of  the  platform. 
They  need  to  he  brought  together  before  we  can  get 
an  intelligent  view  of  their  scope.  The  platform  is 
explicit  enough  upon  each  particular  point,  but  its 
several  declarations  so  limit  and  modify  one  another 
that  it  would  be  very  misleading  to  consider  any  one 
of  them  apart  from  the  rest.” 

It  is  somewhat  singular,  if  this  document 
was  all  fairness  and  honesty,  that  its  different 
subjects  could  not  be  put  close  enough  together 
to  afford  an  “  intelligent  view  ”  of  each,  and 
“its  declarations  are  so  misleading  ’  ’  as  to 
require  an  expert  like  the  World  to  bring  them 


together  ia  harmony.  Why  is  i.  ,hat  “its 
several  declarations  limit  and  modify  one 
another  ”  if  these  are  the  declarations  and  the 
principles  upou  which  our  people  are  asked  to 
stake  their  happiness? 

But,  says  the  World,  this  is  what  it  means  : 

*‘  Payment  of  the  principal  of  the  five-twenty 
bonds  in  greenbacks  will  easily  be  found  in  the  plat¬ 
form,  if  searched  for.  The  language  is  that  ‘  when 
the  obligations  of  tho  Government  do  not  expressly 
state  upon  their  face,  or  the  law  under  which  they 
were  issued  does  not  provide  that  they  shall  be  paid 
in  coin,  they  ought  in  right  and  in  justice  to  be  paid 
in  the  lawful  money  of  the  United  States,’  that  is  to 
say,  in  greenbacks.  This  is  explicit  enough  so  far 
as  it  relates  to  the  medium  of  payment ;  but  how 
does  the  platform  propose  to  provide  the  means  ? 
In  other  words,  where  are  the  greenbacks  to  come 
from '!  On  this  also  the  platform  is  explicit.  They 
are  not  to  be  manufactured  by  the  printing-press, 
but  to  be  raised  by  taxation.  By  this  method  the 
payment  ot'  the  public  debt  cannot  be  very  rapid. 
The  bondholders  need  have  no  fear  that  their  prop¬ 
erty  is  to  be  swept  away  by  a  new  inundation  of 
paper  money.  Payment  of  the  public  debt  in  green¬ 
backs  without  increasing  their  present  amount,  pay¬ 
ment  in  greenbacks  out  of  the  proceeds  of  a  reduced 
taxation,  will  leave  the  greater  portion  of  the  debt 
standing  for  many  years  to  come.” 

Two  things  appear  from  this  :  first,  that  the 
payment  of  the  public  debt  cannot  be  very 
rapid  ;  and  second,  that  the  greenbacks  where¬ 
with  to  pay  it  are  to  be  raised  by  taxation. 
This  is  a  novel  way  indeed  to  “  equalize  the 
currency  ’ ’  and  to  1 1  reduce  taxation.’  ’  W e  are 
to  be  taxed  additionally  to  pay  the  public  debt, 
and  to  be  taxed  a  long  time  to  come  before 
it  can  be  discharged,  and  the  Democracy  call 
this  “  reform  of  an  existing  abuse.”  There  is 
another  fact  concealed  in  this  statement  which 
it  were  well  to  bring  to  light.  We  hare  heard 
that  much  of  our  miseries  are  due  to  the 
“  bloated  bondholder.”  They  are  lepers  who 
have  infected  us  in  our  persons  and  tainted  our 
financial  atmosphere.  But  they  are  assured 
by  this  platform  that  “  they  need  have  no  fears 
that  their  property  is  to  be  swept  away  by  a 
new  inundation  of  paper  money.” 

If  these  bonds  are  vile  as  they  say,  why 
should  they  not  be  swept  away  under  a  Demo¬ 
cratic  dispensation?  We  do  not  think  they 
are ;  but  if  we  are  to  rely  on  Democratic  testi¬ 
mony  they  are  the  gangrene  of  our  body- 
politic.  Again,  if  there  is  to  be  no  “  new 
inundation  of  paper  money,”  how  arc  the 
greenbacks  to  be  raised,  which,  levied  in  tax¬ 
ation,  are  to  pay  off  the  national  debt  ?  First, 
it  is  said,  they  will  raise  greenbacks  by  tax¬ 
ation  and  pay  off  the  bonds.  It  must  be  ad¬ 
mitted  that  the  greenbacks  already  in  circula¬ 
tion  are  not  adequate  for  this,  and  so  more 
must  be  issued.  But  next  it  is  said  that  there 
will  be  no  more  issued.  Then  how  are  the 
bonds  to  be  paid  ?  It  may  be  that  this  is  all 
clear  to  other  eyes,  and  that  the  end  will  cer¬ 
tainly  be  reached  by  the  means ;  but  I  trust  I 
may  be  pardoned  if  I  confess  at  once  that  I  am 
notable  to  take  that 11  intelligent  view  ”  which 
shows  me  how  it  is  to  be  done.  It  seems,  too, 
that  the  World  has  the  same  opacity  as  myself 
if  its  vision  is  confined  to  this  point,  and  so  it 
takes  another  stretch. 

“  There  is  another  part  of  the  platform  which  has 
a  pertinent  bearing  on  this  subject.  It  is  tho  decla¬ 
ration  in  favor  of^one  currency  for  the  Government 
and  the  people,  lor  the  bondholder  atnl  the  producer.’ 


Now,  although  nothing  is  expressly  said  upon 
that  point,  we  suppose  "the  platform  contemplates 
the  payment  of  the  duties  on  imports  in  coin  as  here¬ 
tofore.  This  seems  to  us  a  justifiable,  nay,  an  ine¬ 
vitable  inference  from  what  is  said  about  paying  in 
coin  such  obligations  of  the  Government  as  stipulate 
for  coin  upon  their  face.  The  interest  upon  bath 
the  ten-forty  and  the  five-twenty  bonds  is  payable  in 
coin  by  the  very  terms  of  the  law,  and  also  the 
principal  of  the  ten-forties.  If  the  Government 
keeps  this  express  engagement,  it  must  by  sorre 
means  raise  the  coin,  ana  no  other  method  issug- 

f jested  than  by  collecting  it,  as  now,  at  the  custorti- 
louses.  Now,  as  the  platform  pledges  the  party  to 
pay  specie  to  the  bondholders  to  meet  ibeh  interest 
and  that  part  of  their  principal  which  the  law 
requires  to  bo  paid  in  coin,  it  seems  evident  that  the 
‘  one  currency  for  the  Government  and  the  people, 
the  bondholder  and  the  producer,’  must  contemplate 
an  early  return  to  specie  payments.  The  ‘  one 
currency’  must  mean  either  a  uniform  good  currency 
or  a  uniform  bad  currency.  It  is  inconceivable  in 
itself  and  inconsistent  with  the  platform,  that  t!:e 
old,  liard-money  Democratic  party  should  promise  a 
uniform  currency  of  bad  money.  The  one  currency 
means  a  sound  currency  ;  a  currency  equivalent  to 
coin  and  at  all  times  exchangeable  for  it.  One  cur¬ 
rency  of  depreciated  greenbacks  would  be  ineem 
sistent  with  the  payment  in  coin  of  that  part  of  the 
public  obligations  which  are  acknowledged  by  the 
platform  to  be  due  in  coin ;  inconsistent  wild  the 
collection  of  the  revenue  from  imports  in  gold ; 
inconsistent  with  the  idea  that  we  are  ever  to  return 
to  specie  payments. 

“  Another  declaration,  in  still  another  section  of 
the  platform,  evinces  an  intention  to  make  an  early 
return  to  specie  payments.  After  calling  fora  le- 
duction  of  the  public  expenses  and  a  reform  of  the 
system  of  taxation,  the  platform  proceeds  thus: 
‘  So  that  the  burden  of  taxation  may  be  equalized 
and  lessened,  the  credit  of  the  Government  and  t  he 
currency  made  good.’  The  credit  of  the  Government 
is  not  ‘  good  ’  so  long  as  its  promises  sell  for  less 
than  their  face  ;  the  currency  is  not  ‘  good  ’  so  long 
as  it  is  inflated  and  irredeemable. 

“  The  platform  proposes  to  pay  the  five-twenties 
in  greenbacks  ;  proposes  to  raise  ihe  money  for  this 
purpose  by  taxation;  promises  unequivocally  that 
‘the  burden  of  taxation  shall  be  lessened;’  the 
credit  of  the  Government  made  good ;  the  currency 
made  good  ;  and  that  that  good  currency  shall  be 
the  same  for  all  classes,  including  the  bondholders. 
We  do  not  regard  these  several  declarations  as  con¬ 
tradictory,  but  as  mutually  explanatory,  perfectly 
consistent  and  harmonious^  The  Democratic  party 
is  pledged  by  the  platform  to  appreciate  the  green¬ 
backs  to  par  and  use  them  for  the  payment  of  that 
part  of  the  public  debt  which  is  not  by  express  pro¬ 
vision  of  law  due  in  coin.” 

Now,  having  got  all  the  light  of  which  the 
subject  is  capable,  let  us  see  exactly  what  it  is 
that  is  promised  by  these  reformers.  They 
say  to  the  people,  “The  bloated  bondholder 
is  eating  out  your  substance,  and  we  will  tax 
his  property  just  as  we  tax  yours.”  They 
say  to  the  bondholder,  “Have  no  fear3  for 
your  bonds  ;  we  will  issue  no  more  greenbacks 
to  depreciate  them ;  and  we  will  pay  them  iu 
a  good  and  lawful  currency.  If  it  is  not  gold 
it  shall  be  as  good  as  gold.”  They  say  to  the 
people,  “We  will  reduce  your  taxes.”  They 
say  to  the  capitalist,  “  We  will  pay  our  debts 
by  taxation.”  They  say  to  the  people,  “  Wc 
will  have  but  one  currency  for  all  alike,  and 
that  shall  be  greenbacks.”  They  say  to  the 
creditor,  “We  will  pay  you  in  gold,  as  tLe 
law  requires ;  but  wc  will  make  the  greenback 
of  the  value  of  gold  if  wc  can.”  And  then 
they  say  to  all,  to  the  bondholder  and  the 
people,  the  pensioner  and  the  soldier,  the  la¬ 
borer,  the  office-holder,  and  the  producer, 
“We  will  reform  all  abuses  ;  wc  will  equalize 
taxation  by  a  uniform  currency  ;  we  will  pay 
the  bonds  in  gold,  or  greenbacks  at  par  ;  and 


6 


vre  will  pay  off  our  debts.”  When?  After 
many  years  to  come  ! 

So,  Mr.  Chairman,  admitting  that  all  this 
is  to  be  brought  about  in  the  very  letter  and 
spirit  of  the  promise,  it  appears  that  the  first 
condition  of  its  fulfilment  is,  that  the  demo¬ 
cratic  party  shall  have  unlimited  power  for 
many  years  to  come,  or  else  it  cannot  keep  its 
word.  If  it  should  be  asked  what  recourse  or 
remedy  will  the  people  have  if,  after  having 
given  that  power  to  that  party  for  many  years 
to  come,  those  promises  should  not  be  kept, 
these  pledges  should  not  be  fulfilled,  I  am  at. 
a  loss  to  reply ;  I  do  not  find  any  remedy 
stated  in  the  platform ;  I  am  not  aware  of 
any  recourse.  Still,  however,  it  may  be  im¬ 
pertinent  and  useless  also  to  make  the  inquiry 
or  to  seek  for  redress.  A  ruined  debtor, 
bankrupt  to  the  last  farthing,  need  trouble 
himself  but  very  little  as  to  the  disposition  of 
the  assets  which  he  has  not  got.  This,  then, 
sir,  is  the  much-vaunted  financial  policy  which 
is  to  be  inaugurated  by  the  Democratic  party, 
and  through  which  this  country  is  to  be  res¬ 
cued  from  all  her  present  difficulties.  This  is 
the  key-note  of  their  complaint  and  the  battle 
cry  of  their  campaign. 

It  is  a  platform  which  was  made  to  suit  a 
candidate  who  was  defeated  for  the  nomina¬ 
tion.  The  platform  was  made  for  one  man, 
but  that  man  is  not  the  one  who  is  standing 
on  it.  The  man  who  wanted  that  platform 
did  not  get  the  nomination,  and  the  man  who 
did  get  the  nomination  did  not  want  that 
platform.  It  is  not  of  record  that  like  another 
memorable  candidate  of  by-gone  years,  “he 
spit  upon  it.”  Indeed,  his  well-known  habits 
of  decorum  and  aristocratic  breeding  forbid 
the  possibility  of  such  a  thing.  But  it  is  of 
record  that  he  made  two  earnest  and  powerful 
speeches  to  prevent  the  enunciation  of  a  doc- 
rine  which  he  knew  was  absurd  in  the  present 
and  would  be  falsified  in  the  future.  If,  then, 
heir  financial  declarations  are  vague  and 
false,  how  can  we  trust  aught  else  they  say  ? 
The  country  wants  peace ;  through  peace  will 
come  prosperitj'.  Prosperity  thrives  under  a 
Government  of  fixed  principles,  and  principles 
are  most  firmly  fixed  when  they  are  most 
generally  and  best  understood  by  the  people 
at  large.  If  their  finances  fail  all  else  fails. 
Now,  what  do  they  say  upon  another  most 
essential  and  remunerative  branch  of  the  nat¬ 
ional  finances — .that  branch  which  is  now  and 
must  continue  to  be  the  only  gold-yielding 
portion  of  our  revenue — I  mean  the  tariff?  1 
quote  again,  sir,  from  the  World : 

44  There  is  only  one  other  subject  embraced  in  the 
platform  which  seems  to  call  lor  any  remark,  and 
that  is  the  tariif,  or  4  protection.’  This  part  of  the 
platform  is  a  muddle.  The  language  is :  ‘a  tariff 
for  revenue  upon  foreign  imports,’  which  is  good 
sound  Democratic  doctrine,  but  it  is  immediately 
followed  by  this  unintelligible  jumble:  4  and  such 
equal  taxation  under  the  internal  revenue  laws  as 
will  afford  incidental  protection  to  domectic  manu¬ 
factures.’  We  are  here  treated  to  the  paradox  of  a 
revenue  tariff  and  protective  internal  taxes.  But 
the  wonder  does  not  end  here.  A  protective  tariff 
discriminates,  but  internal  taxes  are  to  protect 
without  discriminating.  It  is  4  equal’  internal  taxes 
that  are  to  accomplish  the  feat  of  protecting  domestic 
manufactures,  if  ail  interests  are  taxed  alike,  how 
can  any  be  protected?  What  are  they  to  be  pro¬ 
tected  against  ?  Not  against  foreign  rivals  by 
internal  taxes  ;  not  against  domestic  competition  by 


equal  taxes.  The  promise  of  ‘  a  tariff  for  revenue  7 
is  excellent ;  all  beyond  that  is  nonsense.” 

You  will  observe,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  it  is 
not  I  who  says  that  this  is  a  muddle,  an 
unintelligible  jumble,  a  paradox,  and  non¬ 
sense,  but  the  leading  Seymour  paper  in  the 
United  States. 

I  turn  now  to  another  topic,  and  still  I  quote 
the  “  World:” 

44  All  that  the  Democratic  party  promise  to  do  in 
relation  to  negro  supremacy  is  comprised  in  these 
words :  4  The  reduction  of  the  standing  Army  and 
Navy,  the  abolition  of  the  Freedmen’s  Bureau,  and 
all  political  instrumentalities  designed  to  secure 
negro  supremacy.’  Tiie  Freedmen’s  Bureau,  with 
the  Army  to  back  it,  is  a  tremendous  electioneering 
machine  intended  to  control  the  negro  vote.  When 
it  is  abolished,  the  negro  vote  will  fall  under  the 
control  of  the  white  citizens  of  the  South,  and  there 
will  then  be  no  difficulty  in  carryihg  all  the  southern 
States  for  the  Democratic  party.” 

That  is,  the  Freedmen’s  Bureau  is  an  out¬ 
rageous  institution,  because  it  prevents  the 
Democratic  party  from  controlling  the  negro 
vote  and  getting  supremacy  in  every  southern 
State;  that  is  to  say,  the  Freedmen’s  Bureau 
would  be  all  right  if  it  were  in  Democratic 
hands,  and  the  negro  will  be  a  good  enough 
man  to  vote  so  soon  as  he  can  be  got  to  vote 
the  Democratic  ticket.  The  World  further 
adds : 

44  The  platform  promises  to  smash  the  political 
machine  called  the  Freedmen’s  Bureau  and  all  other 
Federal  agencies  for  controlling  tiie  southern  elec¬ 
tions— but  beyond  this  it  wisely  promises  nothing 
in  relation  to  negro  suffrage.  It  promises  that  the 
Federal  Government  shall  not  interfere  to  cajole  the 
negroes  into  voting  against  the  interests  of  then- 
section,  and  trusts  to  the  natural  ascendancy  of 
white  intelligence  to  accomplish  whatever  else  may 
be  deemed  expedient.  In  this  matter  the  platform 
is  equally  wise  in  what  it  promises  and  in  what  it 
abstains  from  promising.” 

In  other  words,  it  is  admirable,  because  it  is 
so  happjr  in  suppressing  the  truth  to  an  extent 
as  great  as  in  suggesting  a  falsehood;  and 
this,  sir,  is  the  whole  of  it  beyond  the  usual 
quantity  of  empty  phrases.  “Foil  of  sound 
and  fury,  and  signifying  nothing,”  with 
whichT'rom  time  immemorial  the  Democratic- 
party  have  been  in  the  habit  of  garnishing 
their  platforms.  I  might  make  a  closer  analy¬ 
sis  of  it  all ;  and  1  think  I  might  make  a 
stronger  show  of  its  utter  worthlessness  :  but 
I  am  content  to  accept  the  rendition  of  the 
World ,  in  order  that  I  may  not  be  charged 
with  partisan  prejudice.  I  take  the  World 
because  it  is  the  toord. 

It  explains  the  deed  for  him  who  is  to  per¬ 
form  it;  and  surely  where  we  decide  evidence 
of  intention  and  of  faith,  we  can  ask  for  noth¬ 
ing  stronger  than  the  word  and  the  deed  com¬ 
bined.  But  I  have  not  done  yet.  I  desire 
with  your  indulgence  to  go  a  little  behind  the 
promise  to  inquire  as  to  the  character  of  those 
who  make  the  promise.  It  is  an  axiom  with 
all  business  men  that  the  value  of  a  note  is 
determined  not  at  all  by  what  it  promises  to 
pay,  but  wholly  and  exclusively  by  the  char¬ 
acter  of  the  makers  and  indorsers.  I  wish  to 
inquire,  Mr.  Chairman,  who  are  the  men  that 
made  up  that  Democratic  convention,  and 
who  are  the  men  who  indorsed  its  candidates? 
I  have  already  referred  to  the  men  who  in  the 
time  of  peace  plotted  war.  1  have  shown  how 


7 


it  was  that  this  country  became  charged  with 
its  load  of  debt.  I  have  dwelt  upon  the  strug¬ 
gles  and  the  difficulties  of  that  hour,  and  the 
wails  and  the  woes  of  our  mourners.  I  have 
stated  how  we  did  all  that  we  did,  because  it 
was  the  only  thing  to  do.  I  have  shown  how 
we  wrestled  with  our  adversity,  and  finally 
how  we  overcame  our  enemies.  We  bore  the 
brunt  of  arms  for  the  sake  of  our  country, 
and  to  uphold  its  Constitution,  its  laws,  and 
its  liberties.  We  had  but  one  desire,  and  that 
was  “Peace  to  our  country.’'  We  had  but 
one  anxiety,  and  that  was  to  preserve  intact 
this  chosen  land.  Well,  sir,  as  I  said,  the 
war  was  over  and  the  victory  was  ours. 
There  was  no  longer  a  rebel  in  arms.  They 
had  dispersed,  as  we  suppose,  never  to  meet 
again. 

But,  sir,  we  were  mistaken.  They  have 
met  again.  Where?  Why,  this  time  upon 
northern  soil,  and  in  a  northern  city,  in  the 
city  of  New  York,  the  great  metropolis  of  this 
country,  in  the  Democratic  convention.  I  do 
not  say  that  every  man  who  met  there  had 
been  a  rebel ;  but  I  do  say  that  all  the  rebels 
met  there  who  are  now  leading  in  public  life, 
and  who  hope  for  public  position.  It  was  the 
same  old  story  over  again.  The  same  old 
faces  to  see.  The  men  who  had  held  this  Gov¬ 
ernment  for  years  and  plotted  to  destroy  it 
while  they  held  it  were  there.  The  men  who 
fought  to  destroy  this  Government  when  they 
tould  no  longer  hold  it  were  there.  The  men 
who  though  they  had  never  plotted  to  destroy 
it  or  fought  against  it,  yet  quietly  acquiesced 
in  the  designs  of  those  who  did,  were  there. 
The  men  who  have  always  given  blind  allegi¬ 
ance  to  the  behest  of  party,  regardless  of  the 
good  of  the  country,  were  there.  The  men 
who  have  always  been  the  praters  and  croakers 
and  false  prophets  of  the  country  were  there  ; 
and  a  few  men  who  had  once  served  their 
country,  but  were  lured  off  by  fatal  ambition 
and  the  hope  of  spoils,  were  there.  Good 
men  may  have  been  there ;  but  bad  men  were 
most  certainly  there ;  and  just  as  certainly  the 
bad  outnumbered  the  good  ;  and  these  are  the 
men,  sir,  who  complain  of  us.  These  are  the 
men  who  say  we  have  violatad  the  law  and 
have  usurped  the  Constitution.  We  have  told 
them  to  the  contrary  many  and  many  a  time. 
In  these  very  Halls,  before  the}’  deserted  their 
places,  we  assured  them  that  we  desired  noth¬ 
ing  but  the  law  and  the  Constitution.  After 
they  had  erected  their  first  batteries,  and  be¬ 
fore  they  fired  on  Fort  Sumter,  they  were 
again  assured  that  the  law  and  the  Constitu¬ 
tion  should  be  kept  inviolate.  Even  after 
they  had  waged  their  fiercest  war  upon  us  the 
President  of  the  United  States  once  more  pro¬ 
claimed  that  we  fought  only  to  protect  the 
Constitution  and  the  laws. 

Again  and  again,  by  the  camp-fire,  under 
the  flag  of  truce  and  in  the  hospitals,  and  in 
exchange  of  prisoners,  and  in  parleys  and  com¬ 
munications,  they  were  made  acquainted  with 
the  fact  that  we  had  but  one  object,  and  that 
was  to  enforce  the  Constitution  and  the  law’s. 
And  yet  again,  sir,  when  the  battle  was  at  a 
white  heat,  and  strong  arms  and  strong  hearts 
wrought  wounds  and  death,  when  the  air  was 
filled  with  lamentations  and  pierced  by  cries 


of  agony,  when  the  greedy  earth  drank  up  the 
gushing  blood  of  our  bravest  and  our  best, 
we  still  advanced  but  the  one  standard,  which 
was  the  old  starry  banner,  emblematic  of  the 
Constitution,  the  laws,  our  unity  and  strength. 
Ah,  sir,  it  must  have  been  a  humiliating  scene 
at  that  convention.  Were  the  loyal  soldiers 
and  citizens  of  this  country  looking  on  when 
the  rebel  General  Preston  nominated  the  former 
Union  General  Blair?  Did  the  loyal  sailors 
and  soldiers  hear  the  rebel  Wade  Hampton 
second  the  nomination?  Did  the  rank  and 
file  of  the  loyal  men  listen  to  the  butcher  of 
Fort  Pillow — Forrest?  Where  were  then  the 
memories  of  former  treacheries,  of  a  nation 
undone  and  a  Constitution  usurped,  of  laws 
violated  and  civil  slaughter  instituted? 

I  have  no  desire  to  keep  alive  old  animosi¬ 
ties  or  to  recall  the  past  with  a  view  to  let  it 
rankle.  I  am  willing  that  the  lessons  of  the 
war  should  be  their  own  monitor  to  those  who 
learned  them.  But  when  I  hear  those  who 
risked  their  lives  to  save  our  country;  when  I 
hear  those  whose  shorn  limbs  and  maimed 
trunks  are  witnesses  of  their  devotion  to  the 
laws  charged  with  breaking  the  laws  ;  when  1 
hear  those  who  are  now  lying  in  their  prema¬ 
ture  graves  for  the  cause  of  the  Constitution 
charged  with  usurping  that  Constitution,  I 
cannot  help  it  if  my  indignant  heart  beats  fast 
and  my  utterance  grows  thick,  while  I  demand 
to  know  “  Who  are  ye  that  denounce  us?” 

It  is  for  this  reason,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  I 
say  the  present  issue  is  one  which  concerns  our 
young  men  greatly,  because  it  contains  the 
question  whether  in  any  future  war  it  is  worth 
while  for  our  young  men  to  embark  in  it. 
Heretofore  it  has  always  been  held  in  all  ages, 
ancient  and  modern,  that  he  who  defended  his 
country  was  entitled  to  the  gratitude  of  his 
country.  But  if  it  shall  be  decided  by  this 
election  that  he  who  defends  his  country  is  to 
be  aspersed  by  his  couutry,  then  the  sooner  it 
is  understood  the  better  it  will  be  for  those 
who  would  have  otherwise  periled  their  exist¬ 
ence  at  the  call  of  their  people  !  That  issue  is 
involved  in  this  campaign,  and  no  artifice  or 
chicanery  should  be  permitted  to  bury  it  out 
of  sight.  But  what  right  have  those  to  com¬ 
plain  who  were  in  the  Democratic  convention, 
but  yet  were  not  in  the  rebel  ranks?  Did 
they  aid  us  to  suppress  the  rebellion?  Were 
they  prompt  with  men  and  money  in  our 
need?  Were  they  hopeful  in  our  dark  days 
and  joyful  in  our  bright  days?  Did  they 
cheer  our  soldiers  and  give  them  the  strength 
of  their  blessings  and  a  God  speed  ?  Did  they 
nurse  them  when  sick  and  succor  them  wh,en 
wounded?  No,  sir;  they  did*  not,  or  else 
they  would  not  be  found  to-day  in  such  com¬ 
pany.  The  civilian  who  supported  the  mili¬ 
tary  in  the  day  of  the  war  has  never  yet  com¬ 
plained  that  we  have  done  great  wrong,  or 
never  yet  desired  to  take  the  reins  of  govern¬ 
ment  from  the  Republican  party. 

This  is  no  schism  in  our  own  ranks.  This 
is  no  falling  off  of  those  who  once  were  with 
us  because  of  our  misdeeds.  This  is  no  branch 
of  the  Union  party  saying  that  we  are  tyrants 
and  usurpers  and  robbers  and  destroyers,  and 
that  therefore  they  can  support  us  no  longer. 
Not  at  all.  It  is  simply  onr  old  enemies  who 


8 


nave  l  ought  us  in  the  Halls  of  Congress  and 
on  the  battle-field  and  in  campaigns  for  years, 
never  winning,  ever  failing,  but  always  fierce 
and  hateful.  It  affords  me  sincere  pleasure 
that  I  may  look  again  upon  those  who  met  so 
lately  in  convention  at  the  city  of  Chicago. 
What  a  sight  was  there.  Mr.  Chairman,  there 
were  gathered  together  the  men  who  had 
served  their  country  in  every  capacity  to 
to  which  duty  called  them.  The  men  whose 
devotion  had  been  as  unswerving  as  their 
fidelity  was  unquestioned.  Men  whose  sole 
thoughts  and  whose  constant  thoughts  were 
for  their  country’s  good,  and  how  best  and 
soonest  to  make  it  manifest  and  permanent. 
Men  from  the  closet,  men  from  the  camp,  men 
from  the  public  station,  men  from  private  life, 
men  of  destination,  men  unknown  ;  but  men, 
all  of  them,  whithersoever  they  came  and 
whatsoever  they  were,  all  of  them  men  who 
came  on  the  one  thought  of  how  yet  to  aid 
their  country. 

Whom  did  they  select,  and  how  were  they 
selected?  Not  after  days  cf  balloting  and 
nights  of  intrigue ;  not  upon  bargains  by 
politicians  and  tradings  by  tricksters ;  not 
upon  appliances  of  questionable  morality  and 
through  stimulants  of  debasing  tendency.  In 
a  moment,  as  it  were,  and  by  one  spontaneous 
accord,  the  hearts  of  all  these  men  came  to¬ 
gether,  and  their  judgments  approved  their 
nistinats.  With  one  unfaltering  acclaim  they 
selected  the  hero  whose  valor  had  been  re- 
resplendent  in  the  field,  and  the  statesman 
whose  wisdom  had  been  acknowledged  in 
Congress.  The  popular  judgment  is  seldom 
wrong,  but  never  was  it  so  right  as  when  it 
asked^that  this  Government  should  be  put  in 
the  hands  of  Grant  and  Colfax.  They  had 
seen  Grant  clothed  with  the  powers  of  a  dic¬ 
tator,  and  seen  him  use  them  with  the  mode¬ 
ration  of  a  patriot.  They  had  seen  him  at 
the  head  cf  an  irresistible  Army,  and  had 
seen  him  disband  it  as  from  a  dress-parade. 
They  had  watched  him  achieve  victory  after 
victory,  and  yet  quietly  put  off  all  the  shows 
and  trappings  cf  war.  They  had  found  him 
sagacious  as  a  counsellor  and  safe  as  a  chief¬ 
tain.  He  had  proved  himself  to  be  honest, 
and  they  knew  he  could  be  trusted. 

Sir,  on  that  day  three  hundred  thousand 
sainted  martyrs  to  the  cause  of  liberty,  for 
whom  the  earth  had  bared  her  bosom  to  re¬ 
ceive  their  manly  forms,  and  heaven  opened 
wide  her  gates  to  receive  their  noble  spirits, 
looked  down  approvingly  upon  our  action, 
because  it  was  the  action  of  true  and  faithful 
men.  intending  the  honor,  prosperity,  and 
’.Ktppiross  of  their  country.  I  have  ltd  doubt, 
sir,  of  their  election.  To  doubt  it  would  be  to 
impugn  the  judgment  of  my  countrymen.  The 
country  demands  that  the  political  power  for 
that  “'many  years  to  come”  desired  by  the 
Democrats  shall  be  intrusted  to  the  Republi¬ 
can  party.  They  have  faith  in  the  Republi¬ 
can  party.  They  judge  it  by  what  it  has  done, 
and  hence  they  know  full  well  what  it  will  do. 
They  know  that  the  Republican  party  is  in 
fact  the  only  party  of  peace  and  prosperity. 
It  was  that  party  which  led  the  hosts  of  the 
Union  to  the  haven  of  peace  through  the  red 


ordeal  of  war.  These  questions  which  nort 
embarrass  us  are  but  the  debris  of  war.  We 
have  cared  for  the  wounded,  we  have  buried 
the  dead.  We  have  disbanded  our  armies,  as 
part  of  the  work  remaining  after  the  war. 
To  give  stability  to  the  currency,  to  equalize 
taxation,  to  harmonize  States,  and  to  insure 
prosperity,  is  still  another  and  probably  quite 
as  difficult  a  portion  of  that  same  labor.  Hut 
the  party  which  did  the  one  is  unquestionably 
equal  to  the  other. 

I  am  not  an  enthusiast  when  obstacles  are 
to  be  overcome  and  when  intricate  questions 
are  to  be  solved.  I  do  not  wish,  therefore,  to 
be  called  visionary  or  enthusiastic  when  I 
predict  the  results  which  will  certainly  follow 
from  the  administration  of  the  Republican 
party  in  four  years  more.  We  will  see,  sir, 
then  the  admirable  results  of  having  all  the 
different  Departments  of  the  Government 
acting  in  entire  unison  and  accord.  Hereto¬ 
fore,  during  the  eight  years  that  our  party 
has  been  in  power,  we  have  had  to  give  four 
of  them  to  stay  the  tide  of  rebellion,  and  the 
rest  have  been  rendered  nearly  useless  to  us 
by  the  obstinacy,  the  perversion,  and  the 
machinations  of  a  designing  Executive.  When 
we  marched  into  the  field  our  foe  was  before 
us.  We  knew  what  we  had  to  meet.  There 
were  no  surprises  in  store  for  us.  It  was  the 
dread  arbitrament  of  battle.  Dut  after  that 
we  had  another  foe  to  meet — a  dangerous  foe, 
powerful  and  insidious — one  whose  assaults 
were  made  in  the  garb  of  peace  and  under  the 
pretexts  of  law — one  who  sought  to  check 
every  step'  of  our  progress  and  retard  every 
advance  of  our  civilization.  Our  time  has  been 
occupied  in  detecting  the  hidden  ambushes  of 
this  enemy,  and  saving  ourselves  from  his 
surprises.  But  soon  he  will  pass  away. 

Like  the  armed  foe  whose  accessory  he  was, 
he  will  disappear  from  the  public  gaze  and 
become  impotent  for  further  harm.  With  the 
Executive  to  encourage  the  Congress,  and  with 
a  Congress  which  will  respect  and  hearken  to 
the  Executive,  then,  indeed,  the  fruits  of  our 
legislation  will  be  visible  and  gratifying. 
Commerce  will  revive,  for  the  country  will 
have  stability.  Our  ships  shall  once  again 
multiply  upon  the  seas,  for  our  flag  will  de¬ 
note  security.  Cur  name  shall  be  respected 
abroad,  for  we  shall  have  demonstrated  the 
doctrine  of  self-government.  Our  bonds  will 
be  sought  for  investment,  for  we  shall  have 
vindicated  our  integrity.  Cur  currency  shall 
bo  unsuspected  at  home,  foi^  we  shall  have 
proved  its  value.  Cur  revenue  shall  be  in¬ 
creased,  for  the  country  will  have  become 
inspired  with  confidence.  Bad  men  "will  be 
hurled  from  power,  and  honest  ones  put  in 
their  places.  Cur  taxes  shall  be  diminished, 
for  all  will  unite  in  yielding  them.  The 
Southern  States  will  be  re-organized  and 
recognized,  for  they  will  have  seen  that 
therein  lays  their  welfare. 

We  will  go  on,  sir,  as  a  nation  hand  in 
hand,  treading  the  broad  pathway  which 
leads  us  up  to  prosperity  and  progress,  with 
our  march  unimpeded  by  the  difficulties  which 
now  surround  us,  and  posterity  shall  bless 
our  work  unceasingly  forever. 


if 


Gibson  Brothers,  Printers,  Washington,  D.  C. 


